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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. | 




UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. ^ 



PROCEEDINGS 



A^■D 



ADDRESS 




OF THE 



^J=3^SS^^ 



ASSEMBLED AT TRENTON, ON THE EIGHTH DAY OF 

JANUARY, 1828, 

WHICH NOMmATED 

AMDRHl^ JAOKSON 

FOR PRESIDEKT, 

JOHN O. CALHOITN 

FOR FICE-PRESIDE.YT, 

m tilt Hnitctr SUte^i* 



Kvmion : 

PRINTED BY JOSEPH JUSTICE. 

1828. 



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NEW JERSEY 
4 STATE CONVENTION, 



^ 



^ CITY OF TREJ^TOJ^, JANUARY, 8, 1828. 



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THE Republican Convention of (his State, assembled this day, ia 
the State-House, pursuant to pubhc notice, for the purpose of select- 
ing and recommending suitable persons to be supported at ibe ensuing 
election for Electors of President and Vice President of the Unitea 
States, and proceeded to the choice of officers : 

Whereupon, EDWARD CONDICT, esq. of the county of Mor- 
ris, was elected President, John Clement, esq. of Gloucester, and 
Daniel Vliet, esq. of Warren, were elected Vice Presidents, and Hen- 
ry B. Hagerma7i, esq. of Bergen, Doctor Ephraim Buck, of Cumber- 
land, and George H. McCarter, esq. of Sussex, were appointed Se- 
cretaries, of the Convention. 

Delegates from all the counties, viz : — Bergen, Essex, Morris, 
Sussex, Warren, Hunterdon, Somerset, Middlesex, Burlington, Mon- 
mouth, Gloucester, Salem, Cumberland, and Cape-May, presented 
their several credentials, which being read and approved, the Dele- 
gates were admitted, and respectively took their seals in the Conven- 
tion. 

The following Electoral Ticket was selected, and unanimously 
agreed upon to be supported at the ensuing election, viz :— 

WILLIAM McCULLOUGH, of Warren. 

ROBERT H. McCARTER, of Sussex. 

GEORGE MAXWELL, of Hunterdon. 

WILLIAM I. CONOVER, of Monmouth. 

CRESSE TOWNSEND, of Cape-Mmj. 

JOSEPH KILLE, of Salem. 

ABRAHAM GODWIN, of Essex. 

WILLIAM N. SHINN, of Burlington. 

The following Resolutions were unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That this Convention Iiave undiminished confidence in 
the Patriotism, Republican Principles, and ability, of ANDREW 
JACKSON, of Tennessee, and John C. Calhoun, of South-Caro- 
lina, and that the Electors nominated by this Convention, be instructed 
to vote for Andrew Jackson as President, and John C. Calhoun a*' 
Vice President. 



iSi. 



Resolved, That the friends of Andrew Jackson, in the State oi 
New-Jersey, be requested to meet in iheir respective couniies, and 
appoint Delegates to meet in Convention at Trenton, on the third 
Wednesday in September next, for the purpose of selecting suitable 
persons to be supported at the ensuing election, to represent this State 
in the Congress of the United Slates. 

Resolved, That the members of this Convention pledge themselves 
to use all lawful means to promote the success of the Electoral Ticket 
agreed upon by this Convention. 

Resolved, That Capt, John W. Mickle, Peter D. Vroom, Cornelius 
Ludlow, Garret D. Wall, and Samuel B. Miller, esquires, be a Com- 
mittee to prepare and publish an Address to the Electors of this Slate, 
to be signed by the President, Vice Presidents, and Secretaries. 

Resolved, That the following persons be appointed Committees in 
the several counties to correspond with each other in furtherance of 
the views of ibis Convention : — 

Bergen — Hon. George Cassedy, Hackejnsack; Major Andrew P. 
Hopper, Saddle River; Col. Henry B. Hagerman, Franklin; Samuel 
Svvartvvout, Hoboken ; Samuel Cassedy, Jersey City. 

Essex — William Chetwood, Elizabeth-Town; Rev. William Ha- 
gadorn, Newark ; John L. Huuson, Caldwell ; John Travers, Pa- 
terson ; Elias Van Arsdale, jr. Newark. 

Morris — Daniel C. Martin, Morristown ; Henry A. Ford, do.; 
George H. Ludlow, Millington ; Peter C. Bov.ne, Schooley's Moun- 
tain ; Elijah Ward, Chatham. 

Sussex — \Villiam T. Anderson, Newton ; Samuel Price, Branch- 
ville ; George H. McCarter, Newton ; Simeon McCoy, Deckers- 
town ; Robert A. Linn, Hamburg. 

Warren — William Kennedy, Still Valley ; John Young, Belvidere ; 
Jonathan W. Ingham, Mansfield, Asbury P. O. ; Grant Filch, John- 
sonburgh ; Daniel VIeit, Hacketts-Town. 

Hunterdon — Peter I. Clark, Flemington; Colonel Richard Coxe, 
Pitisiown; Major William Hunt, Hum's Mills; Doctor John Lilly, 
Lambertsville ; Isaac Welling, Hopewell. 

Somerset — William A. Van Doren, Peapack ; Nicholas C. Jobs, 
Liberty Corner ; John M. Mann, Somerville ; Jainec S. Green, Prince- 
ton; Joseph W. Scott, New-Brunswick. 

Monmouth — Joseph W. Reckless, Upper Freehold; Daniel B. 
Ryall, Freehold; Thomas G. Haight, Shrewsbury ; Colonel Augustus 
Bennett, Middletown ; Andrew Simpson, Hov/ell. 

Middlesex-^S^mGs Parker. Perth Amboy;.John Outcah, South 
Amboy ; James Stryker, Woodbridge ; Littleton Kirkpairick, New- 
Brunswick; Joseph McChesney, South Branch. 

Burlington — John L. INIcKnight, Bordentown ; John Realty, Mount 
Holly ; Walter Wilson, Burlington ; James Hunter Sterling, do, ; 
Yolney B. Palmer, Mount-Holly., 



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Gloucester — John Clement, Newton ; Robert L. Armstrong, Wood 
bury J Benjamin B. Cooper, Waterford; Morris C. Croxall, Cam- 
den ; Robert Cooper, Woolwich. 

Salem — Hon. Daniel Garrison, Salem; Richard Craven, Lower 
Pennsneck ; Joseph L. Risley, Pilesgrove; Jacob Wick, Centreville; 
Edward VVaddiiigton, Lower A. Creek. 

Cumberland — James D. Westcott, Briclgeton ; Daniel L. Burt, 
Fairton ; John McFash, Dividing Creek ; Thomas Lee, Port Eliza- 
beth ; Cooper Madden, Millvijle. 

Cape-J\lay--Chrk Henderson, Dennis Creek; Doctor Joseph 
Fifielri. Court-House; Humphrey Hughes, Cape Island; Ezekiel 
Slf vens, Cold Spring ; Conslantine Blackman, Brearley's Point. 

Resoked, That Joseph M. Bispham, Garret D. Wall, Stacy G. 
Pons, Evan Evans. Thomas J. Stryker, John R. Tucker, Jasper S. 
Scudder, John R. Dill, John R. Smith, John Titus, jr. John Scudder, 
Edward S. Mcllvaine, and Thomas Gordon, be a Central Commit- 
tee to correspond with the County Committees. 

Resolved, That ihe thanks of this Convention be presented to the 
President and Vice Presidents, for the dignified and able manner in 
which they have presided at this meeting, and to the Secretaries for 
their services. 

Resolved, That the proceedings of this Convention be signed by 
the President, Vice Presidents, and Secretaries, and published in all 
the newspapers printed in this state, favourable to the elevation of 
Andrew Jackson to the Chief Magistracy of the United States. 

By order of the Convention. 

EDWARD CONDICT, President. 

John Clement, | j^.^^ Presidents. 

Daniel Vliet, ) 
Henry B. Hagerman, ") 
Ephraim Buck, > Secretaries. 

George H. Mc Carter, ) 



TO THE ELECTORS OF THE STATE OF NEW-JERSEY. 

THE Republican Convention assembled at Trenton on the Sih of 
January, having, after a free and temperate discussion, cordially united 
in presenting to you an Electoral ticket favourable to the election oi 
Anokew Jackson of Tennessee, for President, and John C. Calhoun 
of South-Carolina, for Vice-President of the United States, beg leave 
to offer for your consideration a (ew remarks, explanatory of the views 
and motives that have induced the course they have taken. They feel 
themselves actuated by principles, the preservation of which is of the 
first importance to the well being of our common country. They believe 
the occasion cails for the v.'atcbfu] attention and vigorous exertion of 



6 

every Ameiicau patriot; anrl thus feeling and believing, they hesitate 
not to appeal to your candour, your intelligence, and your virtue; and 
to ask your co-operation, only, in case your honest judgments shall 
yield a full and cordial assent. 

Before entering on the brief discussion which is intended to be sub- 
mitted, we beg leave to present to your consideration one principle that 
ought never to be forgotten — that by the constitution of our country, the 
people possess the undoubted right of choosing their President, once 
every four years. This privilege was secured to them with a view to 
its free, uniform and unquestioned exercise. It was believed, that it 
would exert a salutary influence over the conduct of the high incum- 
bent, and place him where he ought always to stand, dependent alone 
on the people's will; and such must be the natural consequence if the 
people are faithful to their trust. 

But it cannot have escaped the attention of the most cursory obser- 
ver, that the friends of the present administration are constantly enquir- 
ing of the people, why it is that Mr. Adams and his adherents are (o be 
excluded from office at the end of four years? Why they are not to lie 
permitted to hold the reins of government as long as any of those 
who have preceded them. And it is tauntingly asked, what has the 
administration done to warrant such conduct on the part of the people? 
why is it to be singled out as the peculiar object of a nation's scorn? 
And venal presses have even gone so far as to denounce the determi- 
nation of the people freely to exercise their elective rights, and declare 
it unprincipled and factious. 

Now, although it is our intention to assign some of the many reasons 
which impel us to oppose the men who now rule the destinies of our coun- 
try, we must be permitted here to enter our solemn protest against the 
doctrine that the people are bound to render to their servants thereasons 
why they choose to vote for one man or set of men in preference to 
another. The people are amenable, only to the law ; while the repre- 
sentatives are amenable not only to the law, but to the people also. 
This rule is universal, and extends even to the Presided himself. The 
people sit in judgment upon his motives and his conduct— they inquire 
for themselves — and though they should find nothing lo censure or con- 
demn, yet, when the time arrives, at which they may legally act, it is 
their invaluable right, to select one who may, in their judgment, be en- 
titled to greater confidence, or who, in the discharge of his various du- 
ties, has gained more generally the afteciions of the country. Let this 
principle never be forgotten. A moment's reflection must satisfy us of 
its importance. 

The modern doctrine is, that when the President is constitutionally 
elected, he ought to be re-elected, unless for good cause shewn to the 
contrary; that he has a kind of vested right, which ought not to be in- 
cautiously disturbed. And you have been told that this doctrine is sanc- 
tioned by precedent. It is but too true — and it should be a subject of 
reflection and concern to every freeman in the state of New-Jersey. It 
should stimulate you to rise up in the power of your strength, and teach 
the propagators of such notions, that you have been taught in other 
schools, and still reverence the principles you there imbibed. 



Look for a moment at the tendency of such a doctrine, in reference 
to the election of President. If the practice of a unifortn re-election of 
President is to prevail, it amounts to a virtual alteration of the consti- 
tution ; and the President will, in truth, be elected for eight years instead 
of four. In place of a free and unbiased selection every four years of 
the man whom you may suppose most worthy of your confidence, you 
will be reproached if not ridiculed for even lisping opposition to the in- 
cumbent, no matter what may have been his official conduct or by what 
means his election may have been procured; it will be considered aa 
encroachment upon the prerogative of the President, which nothing 
but absolute necessity can justify. To foresee these consequences needs 
not the gift of second sight. And is this, think you, the policy of the 
people ? or is it not rather the selfish policy of those who misrepresent- 
ing the people and abusing their trust, are making use of every means 
to perpetuate power in their own hands. You will answer. 

But you are told, that frequent and contested elections agitate the 
community, and inflame the passions of the people; and that these ex- 
citements ought to be guarded against as productive of mischief. To 
some men, nothing is so alarming as the honest expression of public 
sentiment. They would prefer the calm and quietude of despotism to 
those periodical and wholesome storms which purify the political ele- 
ments, and bring with them increased health and vigour. Of such poli- 
ticians beware. Their views are selfish, and their motives corrupt. 
Their object is to speculate on the credulity of the people, and sitting 
in high places, laugh to scorn the dupes of their artifices. 

But if there should be any soundness in these speculations; if under 
ordinary circumstances the interest of the countpy should require a pas- 
sive submission on the part of the people, can it be pretended that ihey 
are called on to yield it at this lime — and thereby aid in the re-election 
of Mr. Adams, merely because he has been made constitutionally the 
President, and will have served only four years. Surely it cannot be 
forgotten that Mr. Adams did not obtain a majority, nor yet a plurality 
of the votes of the American people, for the high office he now holds. 
It cannot be forgotten that at the last election, the people in their col- 
leges made no choice ; and that by the provisions of the constitution, 
the right of appointment was exercised by those who had not been elec- 
ted with a view to the exercise of that power, and who, in many in- 
stances acted in direct hostility to the known will of their constituents^ 
And who of you has forgotten, that Mr. Adams himself, when about to 
enter on the solemn duties of his office, adverted to the fact of his hav- 
ing received fewer votes of the people than his distinguished competi- 
tor, and regretted that by the forms of the constitution, there was no 
way provided of referring the question back to the people. Surely the 
President and his friends should be the last to raise objections to the 
free exercise of the elective privilege. The President himself, if his 
professions and principles are in accordance, should rejoice that the pe- 
riod has at lengin arrived, when, according to the forms of that same 
consthution, the question is again referred to the people. But what is 
the fd.cl2 Do you not hear h echoed and re-echoed from Florida to 



8 

Maine, that Mr. Adams, the great statesman, is constitutionally the Pre- 
sident; and that he oyght to be re-elected? Are you not exhorted to 
stand hy the administration and oppose the dangerous precedent of 
electing a new chief magistrate, until the old one shall have enjoyed the 
office as long as any of his predecessors? What has become of the max- 
im, that frequent elections and rotation in office are the vital principles 
of a republican government? It has been left to these days of diploma- 
tic illumination ; and to the wisdom of modern politicians to discover the 
error of this maxim!! Now, forsooth, frequent elections are dangerous I 
The farmers and mechanics of the cotmtry ought not to be troubled 
with choosing, or even thinking about the choice of their rulers. The 
plough and the loom, the axe and the hammer ought not to be arrested 
in their operations — they arc better fitted to the grovelling capacities 
of the people than the exercise of elective rights, and the choos- 
ing of a President! And if we have heard nothing of that divine right 
by which certain kings claim to hold their sceptres, we have certainly 
had it from high authority that " the Representative ought not to be 
palsied by the will of his constituents." 

Again. It cannot be forgotten, and it never ivill he forgotten^ that Mr,, 
Adams came into office under circumstances calculated to awaken strong 
suspicions in the bosoms of a jealous and intelligent people. That there 
is great room for doubt in regard to the purity of the transaction, we 
think, none will deny. The acts attendant upon the election; the mys- 
terious conduct of Mr. Clay; and his subsequent appointment to the of- 
fice of Secretary of state by Mr. Adams, to whom he had been bitterly 
opposed — and whom he had denounced as a traitor to his country; the 
pledge given by Mr. Adams to Mr. Webster, at a time when the votes 
of New- York and IMaryland wete in suspense, and were held by two 
distinguished federalists, one from each state, and their subsequently 
voting for Mr. Adams; the developemenis that have since been made 
by some of Mr. Clay's friends, and the examinations before the senate 
of Kentucky, all unite in confirming the idea that the leading actors in 
that political drama understood each other perfectly well. If it were not 
so, the singular ditidfortunatc coincidence of actions and opinions, which 
occurred at that memorable period can only be accounted for on the prin- 
ciples of a miracle. It is in vain you are called on to prove some actual 
corruption; or else acquit the parties accused. It is enough that your 
suspicions have been excited ; and that every attempt to lemove them 
has failed. It is your privilege to say, "we are not satisfied, and we 
have no further need of your services." 

W^e ask you then fellow-citizens — whether at this time you will con- 
sent to forego your elecUve rights ? or whether you will not rejoice in 
exercising them for the purpose of proscribing the doctrine that the 
elective franchise is at any lime dangerous in a free government? Never 
tolerate the idea that you are to be arraigned by your own servants on 
matters of consiiihtional right. Your will is the supreme law; make no 
compromise with precedent or convenience — and rest assured you will 
have little to fear from the fiiwning of the sycophant, or the smoothness 
of hypocrisv. 



9 

We proceed now to assi2;n some of the reasons that actuate us in op- 
posing t'le re-eleciion of Mr. Adams as Prosiilent. And in the first 
plare — We believe lie was elected in opposition to the known will of 
the people of a majority of the states ; and that to procure his election 
the spirit of the constitiuion was grossly and wantonly violated. Soine 
may affect to doubt the first position. We do not intend to lake up time 
in the argument. Ingenious men may speculate on the subject till they 
are weary. They may contrive to prove to their own satisfaction, and 
that by figures too, th^t Mr. Adams obtained more votes than General 
Jackson, and following up the delusion, ihey may go so far as to contend 
thai in these halcyon days, the people are really in the minority. But 
if there were any doubt, it has long since been dispelled. The people 
themselves have spoken in this alter — and their voice, as proclaimed 
in the elections of Missouri, Kentucky, Illinois and New-York, will 
never be forgotten by those who aroused the honest indignation of an 
insulted community. 

If any further proof was wanting to satisfy the most sceptical, we have 
only to look at the voice of the whole nation as expressed in the Legis- 
lative Halls at Washington. See the singular spectacle of an adminis- 
tration, whose term of service has not yet expired, with a majority of 
both Houses of Congress against it. The like has never before happen- 
ed in the history of our country. An expression of public sentiment so 
broad ; so peculiar and decisive has never before been known. And it 
proves better than a thousand calcidaiions that the voice of the people 
has been disregarded and scorned. It proves too, that there is a redeem- 
ing spirit in, the community; that there is too much intelligence ihere to 
be deceived upon matters that are really too plain to be concealed or 
even obscured. 

As to the election being contrary to the spirit of the constitution, 
there may be an honest difference of opinion; and we do believe it to 
exist. The party attaclied to the adniinistration, generally, contend that 
when the election of President devolves upon the House of Represen- 
tatives, the members are not even morally bound by the vv'illof the peo- 
ple of the states they represent, hut may lawfully and properly consult 
their own will, and ejjercise it, though it should difft-r from that of their 
consiiluents. It follows as a consequence, that with these elections at 
Washington, the people are to have no concern. So long as the Pre- 
sident is elected according to the forms of the constitution, there is to 
be no cause of complaint. 

Our view of the subject is this— that in an election of President by 
the House of Representatives, where the vote is by states, [each state 
having one vote), the members are merely the agents for the peo- 
ple of the different slates they represent, and are bound to express 
the will and voice of the states, and not their own sentiments, founded 
on what they may conceive to be their belter judgment. The differ- 
ence between us, is too palpable to need illustfation. You will judge 
between us and say which construction accords best with the spirit 
of the constitution and the legitimate principles of a republican govern- 
ment. We make but a sin^^le remark— and that is, that upon our con- 

" E 



10 

siruciion, Mr. Adams could never have been the President. And yet 
Mr. Adams and his friends t-'dk loudly of their republicanism. Nay, 
ihey now claim to be the exclusive republicans ! JVow they would wil- 
lingly find favour in the sight of the people. JVow, when the hour of 
their peril draws near, they huiiible themselves before you, and solicit 
your support — a^ if they supposed an honest and virtuous community 
had so soon forgotten the insult it had received. Fellow Citizens, we 
caution you against these wolves in sheep's clothing. They seek no 
good, unless it be the good they derive from power and place. Exa- 
mine well their principles and conduct, and give to them the reward 
they merit. 

But it may be asked, admitting that Mr. Adams was thus elected, 
does it afford suflicient ground to oppose liis re-election ? We answer, 
that if we are correct in the facts that he was elected without the assent 
of a majority of the people, nnd in violation of the spirit of the con- 
stitution, we would be unfaithful to ourselves and our posterity,' if we 
did not rise in the majesty of our strength, and show to the world that 
the dearest rights of freemen arc not lightly to be trifled with. The en- 
croachments of power are always artful and insidious; and oft-times 
conceal themselves under the sanction of /orms. It is the province of 
carefulness to waich them in their incipient steps, and arrest them at 
once, by a bold and independent expression of sentiment. The evil 
may be small in the beginning, but if suffered to remain, it will accu- 
mulate and gather strength. An intelligent people will look at principles 
and their consequences, rather than calculate with nicety the extent of 
a present grievance. It was so with our fathers. They fought not 
against the amount of the taxation, but against the principle that al- 
lowed such tax in any shape. And so long as this glorious spirit main- 
tains its ascendency in the bosoms of their children, so long we shall 
be free. 

We oppose in the next place the re-election of Mr. Adams because it 
will operate as a virtual sanction of the line of cabinet succession. 

There is perhaps more danger to be apprehended from this source 
than from any other that may bo named. Ever since the election of Mr. 
Jefferson in 180^, the different Presidents have been regularly succeed- 
ed by the secretaries of state, whom they had appointed to office. 
Whether this originated in accident, it is not now necessary to enquire ; 
it is enough to know, that it has grown into practice, and has in a recent 
instance been pleaded as a precedent, and a " safe precedent" too. 
Now if this practice be so firmly established at this early day as to ad- 
mit its being j)leaded as a precedent, it needs no prophet to tell us that 
it will soon become the setded law of the land; and it will be consider- 
ed almost criminal to oppose it. The consequence will be, that although 
the form of election may remain to the people, the President will in ef- 
fect appoint his own successor. The secretary of state will be looked 
up to as the heir apparent, and claim the succession as a matter of right. 

It is the interest of our cabinet ministers, and all those who are ad- 
vanced in the road of political preferment, to encourage this system of 
cabinet succession. It is a copoentraiion of power among ihemselve?^. 



11 

vviiich proves beneficial to all. It flatters their pride, and gratifies theii 
cupidity, and generates false and mistaken notions of uue greatness. 
Such a state of things necessarily creates the most odious of all aristocra- 
cies — the aristocracy of office; and every measure of government will 
have, for its primary ol)ject, self-interest and not the public good. The 
whole of the immense power and patronage of the administration, and 
its adherents, will be concentrated in one common object, and then 
brought to bear upon every section of the country; and the people will 
oft-times be defeated and overcome without being able to discover 
whence the blow proceeds. 

To apply these remarks, we have only to attend to what has recently 
passed, and is now passing before ihe eyes of an astonished nation. 
John Q,. Adams is tlie President of the United Slates. Henry Clay who 
made him President, is, by means thereof, secretary of state ; and has 
been repeatedly named as the successor of Mr. Adams, in case he 
should be re-elected. It is the interest of Mr. Clay to bring about (his 
re-election, no matter how repugnant to the will of the people, or hos- 
tile to the interests of the country, because, on it, his own promotion is 
made to depend. And is not Mr. Clay, using every means and exerting 
every nerve to effect this object ? 

Now does any man, in his right mind, believe that Mr. Adams, apart 
from the influence of Mr. Clay, would stand even the most remote 
chance of a re election .'* if re-elected at all, must it not be through the 
influence of the cabinet minister, who, in due time is to be the succes- 
sor and mount the chair of siate.^ 

Do you not believe that if Mr, Adams is re-elected, Henry Clay will 
he supported as his successor, by all those who now support Mr. Adams? 
Even the New-England stales, who but lately were as hostile lo Mr, 
Clay as Mr. Clay was to Mr. Adams, are compelled to come out and 
conjpliment and thllev ih'is immaculate patriot of the West! And do you 
not believe that Mr, Clay, when in defiance of all moral obligation he 
made Mr. Adams the President of these United States, foresaw that 
this would be so? And did not Mr. Clay, when he declared that in vo- 
ting for Mr. Adams he was oidy pursuing a safe precedent, know that 
by his own vote, he was about to place himself in the very line of suc- 
cession, and take his seal on the ''footstool of the Presidency':'' 

We repeat it, that at this doctrine of safe precedents; this line of cab- 
inet succession, we have reason to be alarmed. Already do we hear it 
gravely insisted that no man is qualified for the office of President, un- 
less he be skilled in diplomacy. He must have taken certain lessons; and 
passed through certain schools. He must be well versed in ihe sophis- 
try of foreign courts, and indoctrinated in the mysteries of our republi- 
can cabinet ; or in other words, he must have taken his degrees in eti- 
quette, have bowed to some Prince of the royal blood in Europe ; and 
have been moreover a cabinet minister, or he is not at all qualified for 
President. Is it not actually contended that all this parade is essen- 
tial to the formation of an American ^talesman? And will not this result- 



12 

in exclusion iVom oflice of all save court favourites and sycopliantsi' Not 
talent, nor age, nor experience, but the possession of certain offices — we 
migbt say, of one cerlajn office, and that procured by bargain and man- 
agement, wil! be the test of Presidential qualification. 

Fellovv-Ciiizens — It is time to awake and buckle on our armour, 
when principles like these are boldly advocated. We must act with 
firmness and decision. It is manifest, we approach the contest against 
such a combination of power under great disadvantages. The odds are 
fearful. In one section of the C(Xinlry we must meet Mr. Adams and liis 
influence — in another Mr. Clay and his patronage. Tiiey make coninion 
cau«e against us; while all those vvbo fatten on their bounty, and whose 
fortunes are dependant on their continuance in office, join in the cry and 
clamour against us as the rabble of the country. The power is yet in our 
own hands ; but if like Sampson, we suffer ourselves to be ^horn of our 
strength, we shall fall an easy prey to a few designing men — and it will 
afford us no gratification to anticipate that at some future day, when our 
slrenglb may have returned, we shall be able to avenge ourselves of our 
enemies by prostrating with one vigorous effort, the temple of our free- 
(ilom, and burying the guilty and the innocent in one common ruin. 
The alarm should be sounded through every quarter of il>e Union ; and 
the solemn declaration should go forth, that we will never submit to a 
cabinet election; never relax om exertions until the line of safe prece- 
dents is broken up, and the foul stain of its corruptions completely wash- 
ed away. 

We oppose the re-election of Mr. Adams, because we have no confi- 
dence in his political principles. 

He was educated in Europe; and there, at the foot of some political 
Gamaliel, instructed in the mysteries of government, and taught the les- 
son that "The King can do no wrong." After the reins of govenmient 
were taken from the hands of his father, he adhered to him and his fal- 
len fortunes till a favourable opportunity occurred for political advance- 
ment, when Judas like, he deserted tiie interests of his earliest and best 
friends, and falsely denounced them as traitors to their country : and then 
with a meanness and servility that honourable minds could never stoop 
to, fawned at the feet of those whom he h:ida!ways o[>[)osed, and who had 
succeeded in excluding his father from the chair of stale. What think 
you of a man who could proffer himself ready to enter into solemn 
league and covenant with the sworn enemies of his own parent, and 
putting his foot upon his neck, assist in trampling him in the dust!! 
Such a man is unworthy of confidence. If moral and parental lies are 
insufficient to bind him; if filial sympathy and affection have lost their 
hold upon him, you may look in vain for any thing like poh"iical hones- 
ty. The man who can sacrifice l)is friends and his parent for his own 
interest, will sacrifice his country too. If he can break a rope, he will 
not be slopped by a cobweb. 

Since his pretended political regeneration, has not his governing \ir\[\' 
dp\e been self advancement ? What but this could have induced that: 
obsequious servility that Jed him, when a senator of an independent 
sovereignly, and at a lime when the best interests of the country were 



at hazard, so far to forget the dignity and responsibility of his high of- 
fice as to declare, that he felt himself bound by the recommendation of 
the President, that (he will of the President was paramoitnt to every 
other consideration! And to further his views, has he not veiled himself 
in obscurity on almost every question of high national import? Upon 
the great question of slavery that agitated the country some years ago, 
no man could tell where .Mr. Adams was to be found. When the whole 
nation is excited by the question of further protection to domestic man- 
ufactures, no man can tell what are his views and principles on that great 
national topic. Before the new Congress convened last fall, it was well 
known thai the suoject would be brought before the House. It had 
been discussed in the public printsj the people had talked and they had 
acted; their delegates had met in convention at Harrisburgh from many 
of the states, and prepared a petition to Congress, which was publicly 
circulated ; yet, Mr. Adams, whose constitutional duty it was to recom- 
mend to the Congress all important measures of national interest, did 
not deign to say one word on the subject of protecting domestic manvfac- 
tures ! He had not one recommendation in favor of the American Svs- 
tein ! He left it to fight its own way, under the auspicies of that talented 
minister Richard Rush, Secretary of the Treasury ; while he himself 
bent ail his faculties to the far more interesting work of threading his way 
through the conflicting interests of the community, to a re-election to 
the Presidential chair. 

Such is Mr. Adams. He keeps faith only with those who can aid hitn 
in [lis ulterior views. He deserts, in turn, his old friends and his new 
ones, and is ever ready to make the sacrifice when his interest demands 
it. Concealment and diplomatic policy are necessary to promote his 
views and delude the country ; and hence it is that we are as much in 
the dark on the subject of his political creed, as we are to tell whether 
he is a deist or an unitarian ! 

We oppose the re-election of Mr. Adams, because he has underta- 
ken and accomplished nothing for the benefit of the country. So won- 
derful a statesman as he is represented to be, might surely have done 
something by this time. And yet we ask the question, emphatically, what 
has been done? We are told, the national debt has been greatly re- 
duced. We admit that a part of it has been paid off; but was it by any 
financial skill of Mr. Adams or his cabinet? Who raised the revenue? 
How did the money get into the treasury ? Surely tiie most simple sup-' 
porter of the administration will not pretend that Mr. Adams had any 
agency in raising this revenue ! What then is the argument ? Why, tiiai 
riie surplus money in the public coffers has been applied to its legitimate 
object, the extinguishment of the national debt; or in other v.-ords, that 
the administration has not robbed the treasury! Great merit in that, to 
be sute! But is even this true? You will answer (he question for your- 
selves when we tell you, that their expenses, for the last three years have 
exceeded the expenses of the three last years under ftfr. Monroe, by the 
sum of eight millions, six hundred and eighty five thousand dollars! ! 
And if the same ratio of excess is to continue for five years yet to come, 
the country will be actually a loser to the amount of twenty-three mil- 



14 

iions^ one hundred and sixty thousand dollars ; equal to one third of the 
whole national debt ! ! 

But have the present administration done nothing? Truly, we cannot 
say they have been idle. Besides all the pamphlets, toasts and travelling 
speeches of which they have been delivered, they have, as the first fruits 
of their diplomatic wisdom, lost us the trade to the British West Indies. 
They undertook a negotiation with Great Britain on this delicate and im- 
portant subject, and with a view of firmly maintaining our interests at 
the first Court in Europe, they dispatched as minister plenipotentiary, 
Rufus King, a super-annuated sfatesn)an, who had before declared 
himself too old and enfeebled to participate even in the councils of the 
nation. And then, as though to cap the climax, and perhaps, give to 
Mr. Clay, the new Secretary of state, time to get acquainted with the 
subject, tliey retained him there nine months without instructions j and 
all this at the expense of upwards o{ twenty thousand dollars of the peo- 
ple's money. Albert Gall-.titi was then sent to supply the place of Mr. 
King; and it is said, with the express unders^tanding, that he was to re- 
main only one year. At all events it is certain he remained no longer, 
and returned without effecting any thing. The result has l)eea lo swell 
the amount of our diplomatic expenses, which in the three 3 ears of Mr. 
Adams' administration, has accumulated to the enormous sum of Six 

HUNDKED AND THIUTY-FOUR THOUSAND DOLLARS ! ! 

It would not become us to say any thing about that sublime project 
of Messrs. Clay and Adams, y'cleped, the Panama mission ; which was 
to give brilliancy to the adiiiinislraiion, and encircle the whole country 
with a halo of glory! The greatest er.!erprizes sometimes fail of suc- 
cess; and it does not follow as a necessary consequence that those who 
sometimes build light-houses in the skies, are not great statesmen. These 
are matters into wliich common minds are forbidden to look too closely. 
They belong with the fashionable doctrine of constructive journeys and 
double outfits, to the arcana of the modern sages, who are at the head 
of our diplomatic administration. Plain people don't understand much 
about them — and it was intended they never should! 

If to this catalosue we add the dismission of some half a dozen in- 
dependent printers, from the emj)ioy ol government, and the introduc- 
tion of that admirable republican doctrinCj that the representative is not 
to be palsied by the will of his constituents, we hi.ve the sum total of 
all the men now in power have accomplished. 

Fellow-Citizens — Wo ask you in review, whether Mr. Adams is en- 
tided to your approbation and further support .^ Can you conscientious- 
ly aid in the re-election of a man, whose sole view is self-aggrandise-' 
ment, and whose success must assuredly pave the uay for the destruc- 
tion of principles that are the support of our Republican institutions.^ 
We believe you will not. Suffer not the cry of " faction'^ to alarm you. 
It is the cry of desperation and conscious guilt, and should incite you to 
greater exertion. Be firm and vigilant ; and you will prevail over the 
machinations of odice holders and their retainers ; and the pure prin- 
ciples of our government wj'i again bs triumphant. 



1 



r. 



And now, Fellow-Ciiizens, we present for your suffrage, a ticket 
composed of men who will vote for one of ourselves; a plain and hon- 
est man, who is emphatically the people's candidate. They are firm and 
zealous supporters o( Jlndreiv Jackson; a man, who more than any other 
now living, unites in himself the affeclions and admiration of the Ameri- 
can people ; whose name is lisped by every child, cherished by everv 
soldier, and dear to the heart of every patriot. 

It is true, no titled honours cluster around his brow. He received not 
his education in the colleges of foreign potentates, nor was it ever his 
lot to min2;le with princes and imbibe the corruption of their Courts, 
He is an Jlmerican, and nothing but an American. Wiihout the aid of 
family or patronage, his intrinsic merit alone, has placed him before the 
American people, as worthy of the highest honours of the country. And 
notwithstanding the unprincipled attacks of hireling presses, aided by all 
the efforts of a sinking administration, his talents and services are daily 
belter appreciated. His entire devotion to his country's welfiire; his 
stern integrity; his unbending republican simplicity; his enlarged and 
national views, commend themselves to the intelligence and affections 
of a free and generous people. 

Andrew Jackson was rocked in the cradle of the Revolution. His 
itiind is deeply imbued with the spirit and principles, which, at that day, 
pervaded the community, and gave a tone to public feeling. While yet 
a boy, he stood forth in defencj of his country's rights, and gave earn- 
est of that lofty spirit ol" independence, which has ever s^nce character- 
ized the man, whether in the ileld, the senate chamber, or the retire- 
ment of domestic life. 

At the age of twenty-nine, we find him in our national councils, a 
member of the House of Representatives from the state of Tennessee; 
aYid at the age of thirty, (in the year 1797) his name is enrolled among 
the Senators of the Unijetl States. At this important period of our his- 
tory, he acted in connection with Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
Muhlenbergh, Clinton, and a host of worthies, who, while living, did 
honor to tl^eir country, and whose memories live green in our affections. 
Feeling himself unqualified for tiie intrigues of political life, he did that, 
which from its novelty, is considered by some in these days, as an ac- 
knowledgment of total incompetency; he resigned his seat in the Sen- 
ate, and retired to the bosom of his family. 

To ihose who cavil at this step of General Jackson, and soizo on it 
as an argument to prove his incapacity, we would say, that to resign a 
high and honorable station to wliich a man has just tteen elected under 
the most flattering auspices, instead of shewing weakness, cxjiibits more 
than an ordinary strength and firmness of mind — That feeble and vain 
men are the last to do it, is a matter of common observation. It is true, 
ojjice, is now made the test of all merit; and the man who would resign an 
office would be considered as rather under the influence of lunacy. But 
we have fallen upon evil days. These aristocratic notions will soon be 
dissipated and pass away hkc the njorning frost. 

General Jackson, on his return home, was greeted with the approba- 
'?on of his feUow-cilizens, and iinaiediately appointed a Judge of the 



16 

Supreme Court of his adopted state. With the view of gratifying the 
community in which he hved. and by which he was so beloved, he 
accepted the appointment and entered on the duties of his office. But 
his mind was intent on other pursuits; and in a short time he resigned 
this station also, and retired to his farm. Happy in his domestic rehi- 
tions, and enjoying the confidence of a grateful people, he, for a series 
of years, devoted himself to the cultivation of the soil. With true 
greatness of soul, he considered that employment as honourable as a 
seat in the Senate Chamber, or on the Bench. Here he continued to 
store his mind with useful knowledge; and elevated above the storms 
of party that raged beneath him, he was enabled to form correct and 
enlightened views of the true interests of his country. He looked at 
it as a whole ; and, wiih the spirit of a pure patriot, formed those 
conclusions, and adopted those principles, which his fiirm and inde- 
})endent course since, has continually developed. 

It was not until the declaration of war against Great-Britain, in 
1812, that General Jackson was induced again to leave the retirement 
he so much loved. At that period, the country n^eeded the aid of every 
patriotic citizen. It was a season of darkness. The country was divi- 
ded against itself. The enemy was at hand. Our frontier seitlements 
were in flames, and the scalping knife was dripping with the blood of 
the flefenceless inhabitants. The cry for help was borne along upon 
every breeze. It was ihen that Andrew Jackson came forth from his re- 
tirement, and tendered his services lo his co'jntry. He sought no ap- 
pointment from the General Governmerit: he was a militia officer, and 
in that capacity he was willing to act. His friends and neighbours flock- 
ed to his standard, and formed a band, not of mercenary hirelings, but 
of citizen soidiers, determined to save their country or die in the last 
ditch. In his canspaigns against the savages, he and his brave compa- 
nions, were obliged to endure every privation-inc^dent to a savage war- 
fare. But wfiatever was the suffering, Jackson always participated : what- 
ever was the danger, he was always in the midst of it. His followers 
caught the spirit of his enthusiasm, and neither the storms nor the floods 
of winter were suffered to impede their progress. They were amply re- 
warded. A kind Providence smiled on their efforts : the American 
stripes were every where victorious : the merciless savage met a just 
retribution: the frontiers were protected, and the enemy deprived of 
the aid of his ferocious allies. 

Such was the brilliancy of these exploits, and such the talent dis- 
played by General Jackson, that in 1814, the President of the United 
Stales tendered to him the coaunission of iM.ijor General in the regidar 
army. Tliis was intended by the Government as a mark of the high re- 
spect entertained for his character and services. The commission was ac- 
cepted, and the defence of the southern frontier was committed to hi-; 
care. Never was confidence more judiciously bestowed — never was it 
placed in a m.m who exerted more energy and talent to deserve it, or 
whose exertions were crowned with more signal success. We would 
noi weary you by going into detail, even on so interesting a subject. 
The events of the memorable campaign that succeeded, have become 



17 

matter of history, and are familiar to us all. It is enough to say, that on 
the Eighth of January, 1315, was gained that celebrated victory, 
which has no parallel in the annals of this or any other country — a 
victory which gave lustre to the American arms, and security to her 
citizens — which taught the invaders of our soil a lesson of humility 
that will be held in lively remembrance, until the names of Packenhain 
and Gibbs shall be forgotten, and their national history lost in oblivion. • 

Who is there that has not heard of the batde of New-Orleans ? 
Who is there that does not admire and venerate the talents, that achiev- 
ed the almost bloodless conquest ? — that saved innocence from insult — 
chastity from pollution — and a city from ruin ? 

Where is the American militia man whose bosom has not thrilled at 
the recital ? Which of them would not delight in having participated 
in the glories of that eventful day ? Which of them would not consider 
the fact of his having served under Jackson at the battle of Orleans, 
as the proudest inscription that could be engraved upon his monument? 

After the conclusion of the war, we find General Jackson enjoying 
the entire confidence of the government and the country. When pos- 
session was to be taken of Florida, he was appointed to the duty with 
the title of Governor, and invested with all power, civil and military. 
He executed the trust with distinguished promptitude and judgment; 
and after having faithfully accomplished all that was necessary to be 
done for the benefit of his country, he tendered his commission to the 
President, declaring that no man ought to be entrusted with such ex- 
tensive powers. 

About this time the South American provinces, galled by the pres- 
sure of a foreign yoke, essayed to shake off their fetters, and take 
rank among the nations of the earth. The ancient province ot Mex- 
ico, celebrated for her antiquity and wealth, held a conspicuous station 
among the new states that were springing into existence, and presented 
claims to attention and respect. Mr. Monroe, desirous of cultivatmg a 
friendly intercourse with our southern brethren, determmed to send a 
minister to Mexico— and as a suitable person to commence the mter- 
change of civilities, and discuss and establish the commercial relations 
and relative rights of the two countries, he selected Andrew Jackson, 
the farmer of Tennessee. The illustrious patriot declined the honour. 
The tyrant Iturbide was then on the throne of Mexico; and he could 
not brook the idea of paying homage to a man who had betrayed the 
best interests of those who had confided in him, and wrecked the hopes 
of his country. 

Shortly afterwards, General Jackson was again chosen to represent 
the state of Tennessee in the Sennte of the United States. In 1824, 
when the great question of the tariff was discussed and settled, we find 
him advocating a liberal and enlightened system; one that would give 
encouragement to the manufiicturer, without seriously injuring the mer- 
chant or the farmer ; that would equalize the burdens and the benefits ot 
every class as far as practicable, and leave the national revenue unim- 
paired. 



18 

It was at this period, the Presidential question began to agitate the 
country. The venerable incumbent was about to retire, cheered with 
the blessings of a happy anfl prosperous people. Many candidates pre- 
sented themselves to the public. In the east, Mi. Adams. In the west, 
.Mr. Cay, the great rival and antagonist of Mr. Adams. In the south, 
Mr. Crawford. The country was divided and perplexed. Parties had 
marshalled (hemselves in hostile array, and tlie contest had actually 
commenced. At this juncture the name of Jackson was heard, and he 
was brought forward as the people's candidate. Having neither power 
nor patronage, he rested alone on the character which he had uniformly 
sustained, and on the intelligence and afi'eciion of the American people; 
and was returned by the Electoral Colleges, the highest candidate by 
a plurality o^ fifteen votes ! 

We need not remind you, what were the feelings of the country, when 
in violation of the popular will, Mr. Adams was made President, and 
General Jackson excluded. He was immediately nominated a second 
time; and though the opposition to him, sustained aud cherished by 
men high in office, has been and still is, foul and dark as malignity can 
make it, and relentless as death itself, yei it is abundantly manifest, that 
the good sense and honest feeling of the community are with him. He 
is daily growing in their afteciions, and is looked up to with deep anxi- 
ety as the hope and pride of a patriotic nation. 

Such, Fellow-Citizens, is Andrew Jackson, the patriot, ihe statesman, 
the soldier. He has not lived unhonoured or imknown. His name is 
identified with the glory of our country. He has enjoyed the confidence 
of her wisest statesmen. Standing on so proud an eminence, and fi.xed 
as he is, in the affections of the American people, he can have no mo- 
tive of action, at variance with the true interests of his country. His 
hard earned fame, not inherited but self acquired, is too precious, at 
his time of life, to be sacrificed on the altar of corrupt ambition. 

You may trust in him with implicit confidence. His honesty of heart 
and integrity of character can be doubted by none, even of his adver- 
saries. His devotion to his country is proverbial. His has always been 
the post of danger and difficuliy ; and he has never spared himself or 
his reputation, wlien his country's good required the hazard. 

Nor have we found him vpauting in skill to devise, judgment to ma- 
ture, or energy to execute whatever was necessary to contribute to the 
defence, or promote the glory of the nation. 

But, Fellow-Citizens, notwithstanding General Jackson has long beea 
known to the American people, as a firm and incorruptible patriot; aa 
honest and able politician, and a virtuous man, yet, a system of warfare 
has bi'cn opened upon hi;ii, at which candour and decency must blusb 
and be ashamed. It can find no apology, save in that phrenzy of des- 
peration which excites pity rather than contempt. He has been openly 
accused of adultery, cruelty, murder; and, last of all, of such gross ig- 
norance as scarcely to be able to read or write! Yes, the man whom 
yo'i have delighted to honoin-; and who in 1824, received a much lar- 
ger proportion of the votes for President, than any other candidate, is 



19 

now discovered to be the most base, infamous and ignorant of men ! ! 
" 'Tis strange — -''tis passing strange !" 

The very man whom Mrs. Adams honoured with a most splendid 
fe.te, on the 6ih of January 1824; who was surrounded in tiie drawing 
room by the virtuous, the chaste and the lovely from every part of the 
Union, ail anxious to do homage to one who had risked his life, and 
what was dearer still, his reputation, for the safety of female innocence, 
is now forsooth, a lawless adulterer! 

'The soldier, whose every act was severely scrutinized ; whose con- 
duct was approbated by the Executive, and by the Councils of the 
nation ; who was publicly defended by Mr. Adams himself, while se- 
cretary of state; and eulogized by Mr. Clay, as " a distinguished 
C3ptai.n, who had shed glory on his country, and whose renown consti- 
tuted so great a portion of its moral property," has now, suddenly, be- 
come a murderer! His garments have become crimsoned with human 
blood, and he is made to delight in nothing save the incense of human 
sacrifice ! 

The statesman, whose judgment has oft times assisted in directing 
the affairs of the nation — who has been well known as a public man 
upwards of thirty years — who was appointed by Mr. Monroe a minis- 
ter to a foreign court — and to whom he looked for advice and direction 
when about to enter on the duties of the presidency, is now discover- 
ed to be an ignorant and illiterate man ! ! 

Slanders like these, so gross, so palpable, carry their own refutation 
with them. They can have no weight with sensible and reflecting men, 
a!]d on such they were not intended to operate. But they are oft re- 
peated, and reiterated by every press in the interest of the administra- 
tion. And we grieve to say, that even our members of Congress, our 
Senators, and the heads of the deparfmenis, aid in their ci.'-culation. 

And why is it that such desperate eflbrls are made to tarnish the 
fame of General Jackson.^ It is because he is sustained by the people, 
and is advancing with sure and rapid strides in their affections. It is 
that ill-gotten power may be retained, until the line of safe precedents 
shall be better established. Those wlio are now in power, are aware, 
that ihey have been weighed and found wanting. Fear hath taken hold 
of them, and their hour is at hand. Hence it is that every means is 
resorted to, and truth and honesty sacrificed, to accomplish their un- 
iiallowed purpose. Hence it is, that in the agony of despair, they even 
invoke the desolations of " iVar, pestilence and famine'^ on our common 
country, rather than see General Jackson, the Peo[)Ie's favourite, eleva- 
ted to the chair of state. They know the work of purification will then 
commence; and that all the machinations of individual interest will be 
broken up» and their authors exposed as objects of public scorn. 

We have now, Fellow-Citizens, presented to you our views on the 
greai matter which is before you. 

We have stated some of the objections we have to the re-election of 
Mr. Adams ; and why we think it would be prejudicial to the interests 
of the republic. We have stated to you, whom we shall support, and 



20 

taken a rapid view of hischan-.cter and services. You will judge betweeri 
us. All we ask, is, that you examine for yourselves,, and ihen act. 

Citizens of New-Jersey — Friends of our Republican institutions! it 
is lime to awake ; to be up and doing. Our opponents are at their posts. 
They are active and vigilant. They spare neither time or money. They 
boast that they have with them the wealth and the talents of the country. 
It may he so ; but though ignorant, let us prove to the world that we 
have sufficient inteliigenoe to discern our rights, and energy enough to 
defend them. Though poor, let us prove that we are rich in integrity ; 
that our poverty is not to be corrupted ; and that we will never consent 
to barter away the precious inheritance, transmitted to us by our an- 
cestors. 

Let every man make it his business to vote, openly and conscien- 
tiously, and there will be nothing to fear. 



Signed by order of the Convention, 



EDWARD CONDICT, President. 

ri \T ' ^ f^ic^ Presidents. 

Daniel Vliet, 3 

Henry B. Hagerman, ) 

Ep.hrairn Buck, > Secretaries, 

George II. Mc Carter, ) 



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